Who did not sit in front of the TV last Sunday evening in Germany? Everyone wanted to hear what the representatives of the relevant political parties had to say about the ongoing projections of the election results. And the various moderators and questioners also showed that they knew many differences between the parties and knew how to draw out corresponding opinions and forecasts.
What was surprising, however, was that one topic was not a topic all evening: foreign policy. There was no question to the leaders as to whether it made sense and was also right in their eyes to send the German frigate Bavaria into the Pacific Ocean. There was no question for the leaders whether the military ties with the US and NATO were still right and meaningful for them after the debacle in Afghanistan. And there was no question whether the extremely Russia-hostile resolution of the EU Parliament last week, in which it was even demanded that the EU's foreign policy should only be determined in Brussels, was good, acceptable or perhaps rather problematic. The subject of Germany's foreign policy was on the outside, not a word was heard about it.
On the same Sunday evening at 8.29 pm, the platform German Foreign Policy reported the following:
"The next federal government should initiate a change to a more offensive, risk-taking foreign policy and create "social acceptance" for it. This is what a group of experts coordinated by the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) over a period of ten months is calling for in a strategy paper that has just been published. International politics will be dominated by the "power struggle between the US and China" for the foreseeable future, the paper says; "Vulnerability" has "become the normal state": "The boundaries between war and peace are blurred." The Federal Republic has lost influence in recent years; The aim must therefore now be to "prevent another strategic déclassement". As examples of the loss of influence, the DGAP paper lists the internal conflicts in the EU and the escalating crises beyond the EU's external borders. In future, Berlin must be prepared to "make decisions even under great uncertainty". Important impulses for the paper came from ministries and politicians from the Union, SPD and Alliance 90/ the Greens."
So a German institute specializing in foreign policy is working on clear recommendations for a new German offensive (!) Foreign policy - and this with substantial participation of the three largest German parties - but on election Day this is not an issue?
Actually, there is only one answer to this question: All four, the three candidates for chancellor of the CDU / CSU, the SPD, the Alliance 90 / the Greens, and also the top man of the FDP, Christian Lindner, who was still for a less Russia-hostile policy in the 2017 election campaign, are now on the same line in foreign policy, and the discussion leaders and moderators of the election day evening broadcasts know this: Side by side with the USA, strengthening NATO best with new members around Russia and arming Germany with armed drones. A more "offensive" policy against Russia and China - see above. The above-mentioned leaders are in agreement on this matter. There is no need to discuss this.
Same strategy abroad?
And what do the neighbouring countries say? Some will be pleased, little Lithuania, for example. However, others, especially France, are likely to think it over - for good reason. It has been less than two weeks since Paris learned that it had been tricked by the USA, Great Britain and Australia. More peace in Europe is not in sight with these four leaders, who were shown on television on the evening of election Day. Certainly not, as the Berlin rumor mill thinks it knows, if the Foreign Ministry is left to the Greens.