However, compared to the state-owned Venezuelan Bank and business assets usurped by the US government and transferred to the control of the Guaidó group at the end of January 2019, the amount is little more than flying dumpster. The government of Nicolás Maduro estimated the violent expropriations at 116 billion US dollars and described the multiple financial attacks of the Donald Trump Administration bordering on piracy as “theft and the most gigantic case of corruption in our history.”
It is not possible to confirm whether this figure is correct.in any case, the volume of illegal expropriations and property controlled by the Guaidó group for one and a half years includes an estimated 70 foreign government bank accounts with balances in secret, gold reserves and the US-based Citgo, a subsidiary of the state-owned PDVSA oil company, whose market value is reported at US $ 12 billion. For years, the Guaidó group has been financed with hundreds of millions of dollars by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), which is said to have been paid out for “humanitarian purposes”, but which has been proven to have been embezzled several times in recent years.
Apart from the serious corruption allegations, the expropriations by the US government and its and Guaidó’s repeatedly declared goal of forcibly removing and suspending a “bounty” on the government of Nicolás Maduro did not prevent the majority of EU governments from recognizing the dazzling figure of Juan Guaidó as “president”.
It is therefore a strong piece that less than a week after the failed mercenary raid on Venezuela, the head of European diplomacy, Federica Mogherini, exerts massive pressure on the signing of a “common and clear” declaration of Allegiance by the EU to Juan Guaidó, who, according to Spanish Foreign Minister Josep Borrell, lacks the political consensus. According to the AFP news agency, the 28 EU governments are divided into three camps: the majority (including Germany, France, even the progressive governments of Spain and Portugal) are fighting fiercely for the recognition of Juan Guaidó, while Austria and Luxembourg represent “legalism”-that is, the internal Venezuelan dialogue – while Italy and Greece support Nicolás Maduro’s government. Mogherini’s pressure is shameful, as they want to hide Guaidó’s authorship of the raid and subordinate themselves to the US government’s belligerent gunboat diplomacy.
That Juan Guaidó is the desk offender of the mercenary raid is proven by a secretly recorded telephone conversation with Guaidó by the commissioned American Jordan Goudreau and the mediation of the opposition deputy Sergio Vergara. The still image, probably taken from the mobile phone against a ceiling, is accompanied by The Voice of Guaidó, who thanks Goudreau “for all the efforts” he is making “for the Venezuelan cause” and ensures that he has prepared the treaty, in which the details of the raid are specified, and that he will sign it.
The resignation of Guaidó’s “chief strategist” J. J. Rendón
Guaidó and his advisor J. J. Rendón, in whose apartment in Florida the negotiations with Goudreau took place, deny long-distance telephone calls and Guaidó’s signature; Guaidó even denies that he ever had anything to do with the armed robbery. For days, Rendón tried to protect Guaidó from the accusation of desk crime, but he did not succeed. A few days ago he submitted his resignation from Guaidó’s “Strategy Committee of the transitional government”.
But who is J. J. Rendón? The psychologist and Venezuelan asylum seeker, who has lived in the United States since June 2016, is often cited as one of the top five political advisors in Latin America and one of the top ten candidate advisors worldwide. The Venezuelan acted as chief advisor to the presidential campaigns of conservative candidates, including Venezuelan Henrique Capriles, Colombian Juan Manoel Santos, CIA candidate in Honduras Porfirio Lobo Sosa, and Mexican Enrique Peña Nieto. Known as Rumorólogo (rumor and Fake news specialist), J. J. Rendón has been repeatedly under the crossfire of criticism, including from ultraconservative politicians such as Colombian ex-President Alvaro Uribe.
The most serious accusation against the campaign strategist was that of funding by drug lords such as Chapo Guzmán, who was imprisoned in the United States. The accusation comes from the Colombian drug trafficker Alex Cifuentes, who was also imprisoned in the United States and who included Rendón’s former personal assistant, Andrea Vélez Fernández. Cifuentes testified in a court in Brooklyn, New York, that J. J. Rendón not only received a monthly payment in dollars, but also served as a bridge to bribe several opposition Venezuelan politicians. When they came to power with the financing of drug trafficking, they would have allowed him in return to operate unshaded from Venezuelan territory.
The Narco accusation hit J. J. Rendón also for his advice Peña Nieto. He had received alleged bribes from Guzmán’s Sinaloa Cartel, which had been mediated by Rendón. The Venezuelan defended himself for years against the accusations, which in the eyes of the U.S. Justice Department, however, did not constitute an obstacle to the residence permit; the main thing was that the accused was an enemy of Nicolás Maduro, whose government put him on The Wanted list as a “terrorism planner” after the mercenary raid.
His fall could not be prevented. The “strategist” could not explain why the Goudreau-contract Guaidós contained a signature and why there was an Audio of the signing, to be heard in the Guaidó and Goudreau are.
Rendón’s and Guaidó’s lies, as well as the seriousness of the situation, culminated in a new split in the Venezuelan Opposition after the attack. The party of Henrique Capriles, Primero Justicia, which had been advised by Rendón, demanded that those involved in the raid be removed from their offices. Which happened in the twinkling of an eye. Juan Guaidó sits on bulging dollar suitcases, but more politically isolated than ever.
The planned Colliery, or: why Goudreau betrayed the raid maneuver
As the Washington Post reported, the $ 212.9 million to finance the raid was to be achieved with future exports of Venezuelan oil “under a Juan Guaidó government.” But if they had “an ace up their sleeve”, the men around J. J. Rendón would try to convince the US mercenary recruiter Goudreau. The Opposition had identified private warehouses in Venezuela filled with allegedly illegal profits from Maduro’s inner circle. Photos shared by text message between Rendón and Goudreau and made available to the Washington Post showed massive piles of carefully packaged US dollars hidden on a wooden floor, to which Goudreau would have a 14% claim.
However, the Plan involved far more than the primary goals of seizing and kidnapping Maduro and his men. A General Services Agreement provided that Goudreau’s Silvercorp would advise exiled Venezuelan soldiers on the Operation, as well as “infiltrate” the government’s security forces and the Colectivos – armed motorcyclist militias protecting Maduro. Goudreau had 45 days for the preparation of the Armed Forces, the procurement of equipment and the operational readiness. However, his lawyer demanded the payment of a $ 1.5 million bail. Rendón refused the amount and transferred a ridiculous 50,000 dollars. At this point, the breach occurred and Goudreau retaliated with the betrayal of the Operation; however, with the immoral incarceration of those fatalities on May 4.
The Citgo case and the usurped dollars-billions
However, the tens of billions of dollars in assets that the ring around Juan Guaidó has controlled since the beginning of 2019 shows that the fraud agreement with Jordan Goudreau was easily pre-financable from these funds.
The Guaidó Assets have the following history. In late January 2019, the US State Department announced that it had transferred control of assets and property of the Venezuelan government to Juan Guaidó bank accounts in the US, including Citgo with three refineries, a national pipeline network and more than 5,000 gas stations.
In the list of assets, the accounts of the government of Venezuela or the Venezuelan central bank with the Federal Reserve Bank of New York were explicitly mentioned, but not their deposit value. John Bolton, the then White House security adviser, measured these assets at $ 7 billion, to which an estimated $ 11 billion in revenue from blocked Venezuelan oil revenues should be added for the period 2019/2020.
However, opposition MP Paparoni assured that the Opposition and the governments associated with Guaidó had identified 30 foreign government accounts with all information on funds, assets, companies and transactions of the 70 accounts distributed worldwide and had “secured the protection of approximately $ 3.2 billion in liquid assets, accounts and real estate for approximately $ 8 billion”. In an Interview with the London BBC, President Nicolás Maduro countered that Donald Trump had “kidnapped”at least $ 10 billion in bank accounts.
But Citgo was inexplicably heavily indebted in the US and again Donald Trump jumped in against the legal government of Venezuela: without batting an eye, he backed the “Guaidó company” with a 1.2 billion dollar loan. The Rest and part of the consequences are known, sanctions, import boycotts, supply crisis and Hunger.