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Moro the finish of the splits

The resignation would not be particularly significant news, had domestic and foreign conservative media and Think Tanks not repeatedly awarded prizes, medals and honors to the ideological head of the Einsatzgruppe zur Korruptionsbekämpfung. The US-American Time-Magazin named him one of the “100 Most Influential people” on the international stage in 2016 and the Berlin-based “NGO Transparency International” tried in the same year to create an advertising show for Moro in Germany.

Moro’s half-hour press release to justify his decision obeyed a sophisticated dramaturgy, namely a Mix of respectful tone and nationwide bang effect.

Nine ministers fired in 15 months in government

His resignation, which was not surprising at all, dramatically demonstrated the instability and unpredictability of the confused Bolsonaro Administration, which brought 8 Cabinet ministers to the door within 15 months of the government; Sérgio Moro is the ninth in the league. Together with Economy Minister Paulo Guedes, the lawyer formed the Duo of so-called “Superministers”, that is, the formula that would unite Guedes‘ Turbo-liberalism to perfection in smashing the remnants of Brazil’s modest welfare state with Moro’s Lawfare doctrine of criminalizing the strongest political party in the country. However, Guedes ' days also seem to be numbered, the Chicago Boy and former university teacher in Chile Augusto Pinochets is said to be “the next target”according to suspicions of Brazilian media. At the same time, the minister of culture Regina Duarte, who has only been in office for a few weeks, could also be fired.

The decisive reason for the Minister’s resignation was Bolsonaro’s night-and-fog decision to dismiss Mauricio Valeixo, Moro’s trusted and hierarchically subordinate chief of the Federal Police (PF), without consulting the Minister and to replace him with an inexperienced duz friend of his son Carlos Bolsonaro, the police officer Alexandre Ramagem, whose nomination was, however, prohibited by the Supreme Court (STF) on 29 April. Bolsonaro declared his intention to appeal and, in the meantime, nominated the evangelical preacher of the Presbyterian Church and acting federal prosecutor André Mendonça as Moro’s successor in the Ministry of Justice.

In the midst of the spread of Covid-19 in Brazil-which has the highest infection rate in the world and more deaths than in China – Jair Bolsonaro sets himself on confrontation with the remaining stocks of democratic institutions. The STF has received 31 applications for his removal from office in recent weeks. In a few weeks ' time, the winner of the spirited conflict will be known; either Bolsonaro or democracy.

Moros dishonorable activities, and the gallantry of the German “leading media”

In their coverage of Sérgio Moro’s resignation, the majority of the German mainstream focused on the Valeixo case. The same title, “Bolsonaro’s Minister of justice goes to war”, found itself in at least 20 different German media, even when properly scouring the leafy forest and TV stations-from Die Welt to Handelsblatt, ntv to regional newspapers and digital platforms. A circumstance that shows a low willingness to search, but also an eloquent inertia in dealing with available archive data.

That Moro appeased a month ago that there was no reason to worry about the Covid19 pandemic in the prisons, but recommended isolation and brutal confinement of prisoners in shipping containers in view of the rapidly rising rate of infection with more than 100 positive cases a few days before his resignation, is not a dying word in any German Medium. The National Judicial Council (CNJ) and the STF declared the fake proposal illegal and several human rights organizations, including the Catholic Church, published an outraged open letter against the ex-Minister.

But the omissions or misinterpretations of German media are more far-reaching both in retrospect and as a preview. The Handelsblatt wrote, " after the dismissal several (sic!) Minister president Jair Bolsonaro will now govern with the help of the military. Brazil’s democracy is under threat.” The assessment is based on a misunderstanding, because Bolsonaro has been built by the military as a candidate since 2017 and the military has dominated his government since he took office on January 1, 2019.

The mirror served its readers with a 40-line message. “In 2017, as a federal judge, he(Moro) had sentenced former left-wing president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to imprisonment in the first instance for bribery. Last year, allegations were made that Moro had abused his office in the process,” says the report. There is no mention of the biggest judicial scandal of all time, with Moro as the protagonist, revealed by the news portal The Intercept in 2019.

The world of the Axel Springer group, in turn, tried to attest to Moro’s honesty, which the lawyer proved not to possess. Its editor wrote: “As long as “the incorruptible” was on board, there would be no corruption in the Bolsonaro government, the Bolsonaro voters believed. Now Moro is gone and with him Bolsonaro’s credibility.”

Even the left New Germany barely succeeded, with phrases like “the departure of Moro hits the Bolsonaro government hard. The extremely popular Moro was a bridge to the political center… " to conceal strange bows from the globally controversial lawyer.

The summit of the incense reached the public-legal Tagesschau. “Moro had made a name for himself as a fighter against corruption and nepotism. He led the investigation into the Lava Jato scandal, the largest bribe network in Latin America. In this capacity, he also sent former President Lula da Silva to prison. But now the independence of the investigators is in danger, said Moro,” reported the correspondent from South America. An info Box refers to Moro’s”merits”. It ends without comment with former President Lula’s conviction and arrest, but not a word about the judicial Farce denounced for years.

fact

As reported in The Intercept revelations, Sérgio Moro and the public prosecutor he illegally intervened acted, if not directly, under the guidance of the US Department of Justice (DoJ), a circumstance that led the judge and the prosecutors involved to accuse the “US agents”.

During the more than four-year corruption investigation of the “Lava Jato” task force, Sérgio Moro committed repeated violations of law, abuses and illegalities, for example, in the actions of the public prosecutor’s office and the Federal Police inappropriately intervened and interfered. Moro, as far as documented evidence shows, acted as prosecutor and judge and corrupted the judicial system. The criminalization of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva and the Workers ' Party (PT) was one of the judge’s many proven obsessions. Moro condemned Lula in a nefarious trial without any evidence, had the Presidential Candidate arrested in April 2018, prevented his candidacy, but favored the Jair Bolsonaro, who, two months before the election, received only half (18.8 percent) of Lula’s voting intentions (37.3 percent), and was “rewarded”with the Ministry of justice after Bolsonaro’s election.

During his 14-month term, Moro also committed a series of politically motivated, illegal acts. Yes, not only Bolsonaro intervened in the Federal police – Moro did it several times as a Minister of justice. To protect Bolsonaro and his criminal sons. With two serious files, Moro provided the " armor” and averted legal action against Bolsonaro. On the one hand as the instigator of an alleged knife attack during his election campaign. On the other hand, as a collaborator and involved in the murder of the city councillor Marielle Franco, whose proven murderers are longtime collaborators of Bolsonaro’s son Flávio and neighbors of the head of State. Moro also seriously undermined investigations into the criminal fake News activities of Bolsonaro’s sons Carlos and Eduardo, whose disclosure could possibly prove Bolsonaro’s scandalous election victory through an electoral fraud.

Sérgio Moro: from “Operator” in the service of the military to " traitor”

Moro’s ideological Offensive has been dogged by the right – wing, revanchist wing of the Brazilian army since 2014 – particularly because of its decisive influence on the overthrow of President Dilma Rousseff in 2016-and it cannot be ruled out that Bolsonaro’s secret agreements with Moro’s generals preceded or that Bolsonaro was persuaded to do so.

The first-instance provincial judge was neither unknown nor of the same mind to the Armed Forces. Already during the government of Michel Temer (2016-2019), the Army awarded him the order of Military Merit in mid-April 2017, which is expressly and exclusively awarded to personalities who have rendered “relevant services” to the army. This was preceded on 1 April of the same year by a tribute by the Supreme Court of Appeal (STJ) and the Supreme Military Court (STM). At the end of August 2017, the army repeated its ideological embrace of the judge with the ceremony of a third order – this time “in recognition of relevant services to Brazil”. When the tensions between Bolsonaro and Moro became an open secret, generals Luiz Eduardo Ramos and Braga Netto tried to convince the dual Minister of justice and Public Security to stay. Their Mission failed, however, Sergio Moro left despite good words.

The lawyer presented his decision with tempered indignation. A few hours before his public resignation Bolsonaro had dismissed, as already mentioned, police chief Mauricio Valeixo without notice. “The change at the head of the Federal Police for no real reason is a political influence that shakes my credibility and that of the government,” said the now unemployed, former judge and minister who had resigned. From the ministries in the Alvorada government palace, commanded by the military, there was a protest. Individual generals felt “betrayed” by Bolsonaro’s Coup against Valeixo and did not use metaphors. Bolsonaro has irrevocably isolated himself and must be regarded as a “Zombie”.

But the mood changed soon after Sergio Moro’s public resignation. After the ex-minister of justice had threatened to publish secret WhatsApp conversations with Bolsonaro, he was also called a “traitor” in no time, but not by all the military.

Roughly speaking, since April 24, the ultra-right fascist regime alliance has been split into two antagonistic camps: that of the Bolsonaro “herd” and that of the Moro supporters. The latter conjured up a media campaign for Moro as a presidential candidate in 2022. a controversial poll institute from Moro’s home town of Curitiba claims that “56 percent of Brazilians support Moro as president”. Brazil’s Democrats and leftists have to rally and rush to avoid the event as passive spectators.